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In the appointments to the great offices of the government, my aim has been to combine geographical situation, and sometimes other considerations, with abilities and fitness of known characters.
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In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes.
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In the early ages men ruled by strength; now they rule by brain, and so long as there is only one man in the world who can think and plan, he will stand head and shoulders above him who cannot.
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In the government of men, a great deal may be done by severity, more by love, but most of all by clear discernment and impartial justice, which pays no respect to persons.
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In the long-run every Government is the exact symbol of its People, with their wisdom and unwisdom; we have to say, Like People like Government.
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In the opinion of all men he would have been regarded as capable of governing, if he had never governed. [Lat., Omnium consensu capax imperii, nisi imperasset.]
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In the parliament of man, the Federation of the world.
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In the present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.
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Individualities may form communities, but is institutions alone that can create a nation.
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Influence is not government.
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Information is the currency of democracy.
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Institutions may crumble and governments fall, but it is only that they may renew a better youth.
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Is not a law which carries no penalties functionally equivalent to no law at all?
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It [Calvinism] established a religion without a prelate, a government without a king.
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It appears first, that liberty is a natural, and government an adventitious right, because all men were originally free.
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It has long been a grave question whether any government, not too strong for the liberties of its people, can be strong enough to maintain its existence in great emergencies.
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It is a great error, in my opinion, to believe that a government is more firm or assured when it is supported by force, than when founded on affection. [Lat., Et errat longe mea quidem sententia Qui imperium credit gravius esse aut stabilius, Vi quod fit, quam illud quod amicitia adjungitur.]
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It is among the evils, and perhaps not the smallest, of democratical governments, that the people must feel before they will see. When this happens they are roused to action. Hence it is that those kinds of government are so slow.
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It is bad to be oppressed by a minority, but it is worse to be oppressed by a majority.
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It is better for a city to be governed by a good man than by good laws.
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